Compiled by Péter Tófalvi, on December 7, 2000, based on the book entitled "M-am săturat de România - Fenomenul Sabin Gherman în viziunea presei" (Editura Erdélyi Híradó, Cluj, 1999)

On September 16, 1998, the Romanian-language daily Monitorul de Cluj publishes an article by Sabin Gherman entitled "I am fedup with Romania". In his article, Gherman harshly criticizes Rumania's Bucharest-centered system of government, which - in the author's view - is "balkanizing" the region of Transylvania, whose character is more truly Central European than Balkan.

Within ours of its publication, the article, dubbed "The Manifesto of the proTRANSILVANIA Foundation", produces a near-hysterical response in the Romanian Parliament. The same day, speakers in Parliament and at press conferences label Gherman a "traitor", "irresponsible", "an agent of the Hungarians".

The following day September 17, 1998, the major dailies carry the article, albeit under new headlines: "A Demented Plan by the proTRANSILVANIA Foundation to Federate the Country" (Adevărul); "Sabin Gherman TVR Reporter, Calls for Federation" (Ziua); "Attack on National Unity and Dignity: Political World Shaken by Manifesto entitled I've had Enough of Rumania" (Monitorul); "proTRANSILVANIA Foundation Publishes Manifesto untitled 'I am fedup with Romania', Demands Autonomy for Transylvania" (Cotidianul); "Sabin Gherman Denounces Romanians, Demands Independence for Transylvania" (Curierul National).

In a popular program of the National Radio, Corneliu Vadim Tudor, the ultra-nationalist President of the Greater Romania Party, claims that Yevgheni Primakov, ex-KGB chief and former Prime Minister of Russia is behind Sabin Gherman. Left-wing political parties, such as the Romanian Social Democracy Party (PDSR), led by Ion Iliescu, and the Romanian National Unity Party) and extremists organizations (such as Vatra Românească) demand that Sabin Gherman be investigated by the General Prosecutor's Office and the Romanian Intelligence Agency (SRI), and even call for intervention by Romanian President Emil Constantinescu and the Supreme Defense Council. Also on September 17, the media in neighboring countries report on the manifesto and its political fallout.

During the following week, European media - in Germany, France, Italy, Austria, Poland, Switzerland and Moldavia - comment upon Gherman's Manifesto, some drawing parallels with Samuel Huntington's "Clash of Civilizations".

In Rumania, meanwhile, newspaper articles go to great lengths to discredit Sabin Gherman. România Mare (owned by Corneliu Vadim Tudor) runs a front-page headline claiming that "Sabin Gherman received $30,000 from the Hungarians". Cotidianul goes further, claiming that Gherman received 1.5 billion Hungarian Forints (approximately $750,000).

Although Sabin Gherman's television programs had enjoyed large viewership, he is banned from further TV appearances. Says Gherman: "I've had enough of the fact that Transylvania with a population of 8 million, has a smaller budget allocation than Bucharest, with only 2.5 million inhabitants. Transylvania provides half of the national budget and its GDP is two and a half time that of the rest of the country combined. Instead of benefiting from our hard work, we're being robbed."

On September 28, 1998 Transylvania Jurnal, Transylvania's only regional Romanian-language daily, launches a debate on the issue. Many commentaries do not believe that Gherman's views are "irresponsible". "Only someone who is passionate about his homeland can write the way Sabin Gherman does - someone who avoids empty blatter, who shuns self-importance, who does not insist at every turn that his entire persona is defined by "Romanianness", writes Alexandru Ganea. "Indeed, is it fair that the Transylvanian taxpayer's money ends up at who knows what kind of factory at the other end of the country, where all they do is play cards?" Meanwhile, Camil Mureşan of the Romanian Academy of Sciences expresses hope that "this journalist wants to shake up the public conscience." The well-known political analyst Cristian Pârvulescu submits a more contentious argument: "From a cultural perspective, Transylvania is part of Central Europe." Several Transylvanian politicians, such as parliamentary deputies Ioan Roman and Péter Eckstein-Kovács (then Minister of the Romanian Ministry for Ethnic Minorities, designated by the Democratic Alliance of the Hungarians from Romania, DAHR), express support for Gherman's ideas.

For a week, the debate rages on the pages of Transylvania Jurnal, with most commentators concluding that granting autonomy for Romania's historic regions would be a significant step toward Europe. At the same time, the Bucharest press accuses Sabin Gherman of treason.

"Opening the debate was only the first step," Gherman says later. "I wanted people to understand the drawbacks of centralism. In Western Europe, centralism has been replaced by economic and administrative autonomy. Even France, whose centralized government served as a model for Rumania, has had to decentralize its system of public administration, some 200 years after the French revolutionaries abolished the historic regional districts. What I am proposing - the principle of subsidiarity - perfectly agrees with the Maastricht Treaty. It is the only solution. And I am pleased that more and more Transylvanians, Romanians and Hungarians, are coming to understand it."

In its October 8, 1998 issue, the French weekly Courier International devotes an entire page to the debate under the title "Transilvanie, une autre Padanie?". The section describes various responses by Romania's political parties to Gherman, and notes that some Romanian nationalists have compared Gherman to Umberto Bossi. the French press describes the Romanian state as "centralized to an extreme degree" and points out that "the Hungarian minority issue is only one of the problems facing this multi-ethnic, multi-religious region of Transylvania, in Mitteleuropa." The French commentary also quotes historian Samuel Huntington, for whom European civilization's eastern border runs along Transylvania's borders."

Thanks to this article in the French press, left-wing nationalist parties in Romania again demand Sabin Gherman's arrest. This, however, is no longer possible in today's Romania: noted political scientists, Transylvanians and non-Transylvanians alike, assert that autonomy is a European concept and has nothing to do with partitioning Romania. Indeed, Gheorghe Grigurcu, a major postwar literary critic, commends Gherman's manifesto as a worthy of the golden age of Romanian literature - the so-called '27 generation, which includes Eugen Ionesco, Emil Cioran, Mircea Eliade (România Liberă, October 6, 1998, page 1).

By October 1998, the uproar has caught the attention of international organizations, such as the Zürich-based World Federation of Transylvanians, and Hungarian and Romanian communities in the United States. Dr. Béla Lipták invites Sabin Gherman to speak at New York's Columbia University.

By the end of October, supporters of Gherman's visions are taking steps to organize themselves. The proTRANSILVANIA Civic Foundation establishes branch offices in Satu Mare, Sibiu, Arad, Alba, Mures, Bihor, Salaj, Brasov, Baia Mare and Timis counties more than half the counties in Transylvania. Gherman is a frequent guest on talk shows. The media reports that the proTRANSILVANIA Foundation now has anywhere from 8,000 to 13,000 members. A survey by the Cluj-based student newspaper Altfel indicates that Sabin Gherman is the second most popular public figure, with 27 percent of the students agreeing that autonomy is necessary to economic recovery.

The Romanian National Unity Party (PUNR), the Romanian Labor Party (PMR) and the Romanian Social Democracy Party (PDSR) continue to demand the intervention of the Romanian Intelligence Agency (SRI) and the General Prosecutor's Office.

On November 10, 1998, a trade union demonstration with several thousand participants includes banners calling for independence: "Independence for Transylvania!"; "Freedom for our Transylvanian land!". The populace is coming to understand that this movement is not about partitioning the country, but rather an alternative to the Bucharest-controlled centralist policy. The political divide between Transylvania and the rest of Rumania - described in Gherman's article - is becoming increasingly evident. "The 21^st century will belong to those who achieve things", Gherman says. "I've been accused of being bellicose and negative. But as long as Romania's political class responds only to combativeness, I have no choice but to express myself in such terms. Those people live for self-gratification, and if someone points out how debauched they are, they howl like lunatics. They are not ones to be impressed by analytical discussions, so instead I deliberately provoked them in a way they will not soon forget. I don't want to miss the last train to Europe just because a million people, or ten million people, want to stay asleep."

In early December 1998, Gherman is invited to a reception, given by King Michael, following the dedication of King Ferdinand's statue in Timisoara (in the Banat region). The occasion allows prominent citizens of the Banat to express sentiments similar to those of Gherman and the proTRANSILVANIA Civic Foundation. Indeed, speakers recall that in 1990, following the ouster of Ceausescu, leaders from Timişoara spoke out in favor of autonomy for Banat, but were rebuffed by Bucharest.

The local television carries live interviews with people who openly support the principles of the proTRANSILVANIA Civic Foundation. The local daily newspaper, Timişoara (edited by Doru Braia), publishes an interview which serves to heighten the furor: "Transylvania is part of Romania only in a technical sense". Gherman again denounces Romania's hypercentralized government, contrasting it with the Charter for Regional Autonomy - whose signatories include Romania. Gherman also states that the machinations of politicians in Bucharest have "balkanized" Transylvania and degraded it to the level of a colony.

Despite Gherman's increasing popularity, his enemies continue to discredit him. Some of his detractors claim that Gherman and Reformed Bishop László Tőkés are establishing a pan-European coterie of freemasons. Gherman is also accused, at various times, of being a Jewish, a Hungarian and an American spy.

In December 1998, Gherman is laid off from his position as chief editor of public service programs at the Cluj studio of the Romanian national television.

In January 1999, the World Federation of Transylvanians announces that inasmuch as the campaign of harassment against Gherman continues, the Federation will hire an international lawyer in Geneva to defend his rights. Gherman responds: "I hope that there will be no need for this, but you never know what to expect from Bucharest. I hope that it has become obvious that free speech is no longer a crime in Romania, despite the legacy of 50 years of Communism. My article "I am fedup with Romania" was only the first step. It was a good start, if a risky one, because people are beginning to understand and believe in the motto of the proTRANSILVANIA Civic Foundation: The die is cast! Bet on Transylvania!" anyone who wants to support me should do it now, join proTRANSILVANIA, because some day they will be proud they did."

In late January 1999, a few journalists in Cluj admit that the secret service extracted information from them about Gherman. A rumor circulates that the Romanian Intelligence Service has a file on Gherman called "The Governor", which contains, among other information, the reports gleaned from these journalists. Meanwhile, Sabin Gherman refuses offers of political asylum, declaring that he will not credit any rumors and will respect only to official actions. However, the rumors do prompt several journalists to join the proTRANSILVANIA Foundation and even, in some cases, to assume leadership positions. The Romanian-American community seeks Sabin Gherman's approval to create a web site in support of the proTRANSILVANIA Foundation. "I hope that people understand that Transylvania is Romania's best opportunity. We've only just begun and it's not going to be easy. But I also know that I am young and I will win in the end."

In February and March 1999, Sabin Gherman is accused of treason (Section 155 of the Penal Code) and of subverting the national and unitary nature of the state (Section 166). The file on Gherman is classified, and the Prosecutor's Office does not leak any information about the case. Nevertheless, the identities of some of those who filed suit are revealed: they include Nicolae Popa, a Member of Parliament and Vice President of the Alliance for Romania (ApR), and political parties such as the Romanian Labor Party (PMR), the Romanian Social Democracy Party (PDSR), and the Romanian National Unity Party (PUNR). However, when this information is leaked to the newspapers in Cluj, PRM and PDSR deny that they are part of the suit. Some politicians are completely confused as to how to respond: at first, PDSR deputy Alexandru Lăpuşan says he would be even in favor of physical chastisement for Gherman; a day later, he declares his support for Gherman, who committed no crime and is guilty only of exaggerating a bit in his manifesto. (In September 1998 Lăpuşan had expressed agreement with the stance of the proTRANSILVANIA Civic Foundation, according to Monitorul de Cluj, September 17, 1998).

In the ensuing press debate, George Stancov, a leader of the Democratic Party, takes position in support of the proTRANSILVANIA: "Gherman's proposal for administrative reform is a good one. It is economically sound." Adrian Severin, a former Foreign Minister, denounces Gherman's indictment, as does the Romanian office of the Helsinki Committee for Human Rights. The World Federation of Transylvanians reiterates its support for Gherman and hires an international lawyer in Geneva. The Federation's General Secretary, Vladimir Kiss, pays a visit to Transylvania to gather information. Romanian and Hungarian organizations in the United States also follow the case.

"The real danger lies elsewhere," warns Gherman, "the crux of the matter is not so much the particulars of his own legal proceedings, but rather "he ultra-nationalists in Transylvania. The PUNR and PMR parties so far have little support in the upcoming elections, yet already they are trying to win over ethnic Romanian voters with populist slogans that attack the autonomy concept of the proTRANSILVANIA Foundation. But the voters have to realize that for the last 10 years, these demagogues done nothing except squabble over the goods. The recent statements by Ioan Gavra (PUNR) and Viorel Cataramă (PMR) must be recognized for what they are: the desperate words of vulnerable politicians who will grab at any straw to retain their positions. Like it or not, Transylvania has a common tradition comprised of the Romanian, Hungarian and German nationalities; it is not a tradition of constant fighting against each other. The real issues are economic and administrative in nature, not political or ethnic. You cannot enter Europe by inciting inter-ethnic hatreds."

On March 30, 1999, the Prosecutor's Office in Cluj drops the case against Sabin Gherman, saying that every citizen has the right of free speech, and that the concept of autonomy is not inconsistent with the Romanian Constitution.

On April 22, 1999, the Cluj County Court approves the incorporation of the proTRANSILVANIA Civic Foundation. George Stancov, Democratic Party leader, is the first to respond publicly, declaring: "I am proTRANSILVANIA." PDSR senator Alexandru Lapusan adopts a similar position, saying he will join the foundation as long as its stutes do not contain anti-national principles. Branches begin functioning in all counties of Transylvania, except Harghita, Covasna, Brasov and Hunedoara. Within 48 hours, a Business Committee is established to represent Transylvania's economic interests. And for proTRANSILVANIA, this is only the beginning.

The leftist political parties seize upon the news of the Foundation's incorporation to stir up a new fracas, dragging in the names of some Hungarian ministers (such as Péter Eckstein-Kovács) and attacking the legalization in court.

On June 6, 1999, President Emil Constantinescu affirms that he has received information about a declaration for federalizing Romania, and that signatures are being gathered in support. The press publishes the document, which is in actuality a statement commemorating the ten-year anniversary of the 1989 Budapest Declaration (of the ethnic Romanian and Hungarian political dissidents, who fled the country because of the Ceausescu dictatorship). But because the list of potential signatories includes the name of Sabin Gherman, many speculate that the document envisions the federalization of Romania, or indeed the partitioning of Transylvania from the rest of Romania.

Under growing pressure, on June 10, 1999, the proTRANSILVANIA Foundation publishes a Declaration explaining its platform. This includes increased devolution of decision-making to the regional level in accordance with European norms, including administrative and financial autonomy for Transylvania and Banat, while fully respecting Romania's territorial integrity and disavowing any extremist ethnic sentiment. The Declaration also calls upon lawmakers to support a full investigation into the events surrounding the revolution of 1989.

Around the same time, Marius Avram is fired from Radio Free Europe and is obligated to retire from the Foundation to be able to keep his job as editor-in-chief of the Transylvania Jurnal. Seeing in Avram's plight the potential for other Foundation members to suffer professional and personal sanctions, Sabin Gherman declares the lists of signatories to the June 10 Declaration to be secret.

In July and August 1999, the proTRANSILVANIA Civic Foundation gathers 32,000 signatures in support of autonomy for Transylvania. The Metro Media Transilvania Institute of Public Opinion conducts a survey on the subject of autonomy for Transylvania. The survey can be summarized as follows:

1100 persons were interviewed (95% Romanians, 5% Hungarians)

• 55% are in favor of administrative autonomy;
• 57% are in favor of economic autonomy;
• 40% are in favor of political autonomy;
• 50% are in favor of educational autonomy;

Responding to the statement: "Sabin Gherman represents the interests of the Transylvanians",

• 30% agreed to a small or very small extent;
• 17% agreed to a great extent.

In September 1999, Gherman is summoned to the court in Cluj where he is informed - without further explanation - that the Foundation's incorporation has been delayed. Next, Gherman is summoned to the Court of Appeal of Cluj, where he is questioned about his alleged "plotting against the unitary national Romanian state".

On November 13, 2000, the Court of Appeal of Cluj, at the request of the Romanian Minister for Justice, Valeriu Stoica, has banned the operation of the proTRANSILVANIA Foundation (File no.: 4951/2000).

At present, the proTRANSILVANIA Foundation is considering the possibility of forming a political party - the Transylvanian-Banat League - to be able to influence the political process in the quest for autonomy.

On November 17, 2000, Sabin Gherman made an appeal to Transylvanians all over the world, asking them to establish proTRANSILVANIA foundations abroad, which cannot be banned by the Romanian authorities.